Papuan Separatists Denied at Port Vila

MSG-leaders-summit

03-10-2023: At the August summit of the Melanesian Spearhead Group in Port Vila, Vanuatu, the separatist United Liberation Movement of West Papua (ULMWP) once again failed to obtain full member status, despite strenuous efforts to do so. The Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG) is a body of governments and movements originally aiming for the decolonisation of Melanesian countries and territories in the South Pacific. The full members are the Republic of Fiji, Papua New Guinea, the Solomon Islands, the Republic of Vanuatu and the Front de Liberational Nationale Kanak et Solcialiste (FLNKS) of New Caledonia. FLNKS joined in 1989, Fiji in 1996, while Timor Leste and the Republic of Indonesia joined as observers in 2011.[1] Indonesia was granted associate membership in 2015, representing its five Melanesian provinces of Maluku, North Maluku, East Nusa Tenggara, Papua and West Papua. Indonesia claims that the combined population of its five Melanesian provinces – some 11 million – is larger than the rest of the MSG members put together.[2]

ULMWP “does not meet existing criteria”

The MSG leaders decided at the summit that the ULMWP does not meet “existing criteria” to be admitted as a full member and could not reach consensus on the issue. Both the ULMWP and representative of the Indonesian government had been lobbying the MSG leaders for their respective cases. Indonesian diplomats staged a walkout when ULMWP leader Benny Wenda prepared to address the summit meeting.[3] There is more than meets the eye behind this diplomatic snub. Many liberals in the West who unconsciously back West Papuan “independence” are blissfully unaware that Mr Wenda is wanted in Indonesia in connection with the murder of six people, including two police officers, and arson of several buildings in Abepura in December 2000.[4] Mr Wenda escaped from jail and fled Indonesia to the United Kingdom, where he lives in the leafy green surrounds of Oxford, with his wife and children, after being granted asylum by the UK government in 2003.[5] That is to say, Benny Wenda is not a political exile as such, but a fugitive wanted for serious criminal charges.

The ULMWP integrated all fractious wings in 2018 of what is a separatist “independence” movement, in an effort to gain MSG membership.[6] However, in August, after denying the ULMWP full membership status, the MSG then issued a one year moratorium on any new membership applications – seemingly an attempt to signal to the ULMWP that it should not once again apply at next year’s summit.[7] The ULMWP argues that the presence of the FLNKS within the MSG (which is not a nation state but a political movement) means that there should be no barrier to its membership. This is disingenuous, however, as the Kanak national liberation front is a pro-socialist political movement which seeks the independence of all of New Caledonia from the former colonial power of France. It is a Melanesian based group, but one which works with at least five other nationalist parties in New Caledonia which has similar aims.[8] The FLNKS does not seek an ethnic based separatist independence for indigenous Kanaks alone, but the independence of the New Caledonian nation alongside other ethnicities and nationalities including Europeans, Tahitians, Indonesians, Vietnamese and more.[9]

This is hardly the case for the Papuan separatist groups, however, which rather grandiosely refer to themselves as a “liberation” front. The West Papuan separatist groups aim – without stating so openly – for a Melanesian only separatist “independence” from Indonesia. It is telling that the only MSG leader to meet one-on-one with the fugitive Benny Wenda was Fiji’s Sitiveni Rabuka on the margins of the Pacific Islands Forum in Suva in February. At the time, Rabuka claimed that “we will support them because they are Melanesians”.[10] Sitiveni “Rambo” Rabuka has a history of racial chauvinism, leading a coup in Fiji in 1987, claiming that indigenous Fijians were losing control of their country to descendants of ethnic Indians.[11] In this case, the “Melanesian only” ethnic one upmanship of Fiji’s 12^th prime minister has gelled with the ethnic separatism of Papuan armed groups in Indonesia’s Papuan provinces. Needless to say, any amount of ethnic conflict cannot be backed by the progressive left in any sense, and nor can any efforts to form a separate ethnic nation.

Terror attacks on civilians

One reason the Papuan separatist groups place such emphasis on international bodies such as the MSG is that they make no attempt to win over those residing in the Papuan provinces of Indonesia to any set of political ideas, let alone independence. In fact, on the contrary, the armed separatists are more than prepared to carry out wanton violence on Papuans and Indonesians living in “West Papua” who do not support separatist “independence”, and who wish to live in peace with all of their neighbours. This is why the Indonesian government refers to the armed separatist groups as “armed criminal groups” or KKB. On January 27, 2022, the armed separatists attacked a TNI (Indonesian military) guard post in the Puncak Regency, which killed three soldiers.[12] IF the armed Papuan separatist groups ONLY targeted the military, one MIGHT be able to make a case that they are engaged in a just armed struggle. But this possibility is obliterated when one considers the multiple and ongoing attacks on civilians that the armed separatists conduct, with relative frequency.

In July 2022, Papuan separatist groups attacked a truck carrying civilians in the Nduga district with long rifles and pistols. 10 people died, and 2 others were injured, and all were civilians.[13] Understandably, when the Indonesian military intervene to protect civilians, even just by firing back at the armed separatists, the clashes cause many people to flee the conflict in fear of their lives. At the end of 2022, it was estimated that there were some 60 000 internally displaced persons throughout “West Papua”.[14] While the armed separatist “West Papua National Liberation Army” (TPNPB) often claim responsibility for attacks on the Indonesian military, they remain totally silent on the thousands of villagers who are displaced as a result of their clashes with the police and military forces, of which they are clearly the instigators. Even though there is a political wing and a military wing of the separatist forces, the political wing never makes any attempt to distance itself, let alone condemn, extreme violence and armed attacks on innocent civilians, calling into question its entire political basis.

This year separatist violence has continued apace. In February, armed groups captured New Zealand pilot Philip Mehrtens, who was attempting to pick up 15 construction workers who had their lives threatened. They took Mr Mehrtens hostage and warned that if the Indonesian government intervened or refused to negotiate on making Papua independent from Jakartathe pilot “will be executed”.[15] In Dekai in the Yahukimo Regency from February to August, there have been seven attacks by armed separatists on civilians. In these ambushes, often carried out with sharp weapons and knives, six citizens died, and four others were seriously injured.[16] In July, separatist groups looted firearms from the Homeyo Intan Jaya police station, and then later shot at police during a meeting the police held with the public over the theft of the police weapons.[17] Referring to such groups as KKB or “armed criminal groups” is arguably an understatement. In reality, the separatist groups engage in violent terrorism without concern for innocent human life. At the same time, the political wing has the temerity to appeal to the world stage for political support and “solidarity” as if they are a victim of grave injustice.

National liberation ??

Both the political and armed wings of the Papuan separatist terror organisations focus on garnering international (primarily First World) backing for their campaign, rather than any attempt to mobilise political opinion within the Papuan provinces OR within the rest of Indonesia. There are two main reasons for this strategy. Firstly, the Papuan separatists are at some level aware that an “independent” West Papua, if it was to somehow come into being, would not be independent at all, but would rather be wholly dependent on Australian, British and US imperialism. An “independent” West Papua, which has only begun to be developed by the Indonesian economy, would scarcely be viable on its own. The Papuan separatists are also aware that a separate West Papua based on ethnic Melanesians set against the majority Austronesians and the multiple other ethnicities throughout the Indonesian archipelago has no chance whatsoever of gaining majority support. How could it, when they launch deadly terror attacks on those who do not actively support them?

Secondly, the Papuan separatists are savvy enough to know that liberals in the West are easily fooled and are especially susceptible to wring their hands over an indigenous people, mixed in with rhetoric about “colonisation” and “genocide”. However, there is no “genocide” in West Papua. Rather, there is a campaign of lies, deception and fraud masquerading as a campaign for “freedom”.[18] Chiming in with this deceit are a whole host of self-described “Marxist” parties, wildly misapplying and misunderstanding VI Lenin’s championing of national liberation – from an epoch which has long faded into history. Such Australian “socialist” organisations which are swindled, and can scarcely imagine some indigenous people telling lies, let alone committing crimes, include: Solidarity,[19] Socialist Alliance,[20] the Australian Communist Party,[21] Socialist Alternative,[22] and the Bolshevik-Leninist group.[23] That is, both Stalinist and “Trotskyist” parties in Australia are once again trapped in a sea of liberalism from which they cannot see dry land. Mercifully, the Spartacist League (SL) is aware of someof the relevant issues with regard to Papua and Indonesia, but still vulgarise an imagined “national oppression” into its opposite. For example, the SL are indeed cognisant of the issue of transmigration within Indonesia, and its impact on West Papua. They mention that the population of West Papua is now fairly evenly divided between Papuans and non-Papuans. But they then go on to claim that “Marxists” should seek to mobilise all workers in support of indigenous Papuans for a separatist independence while recognising the right of “settlers” to remain in West Papua![24]

Yet these “settlers”, who are in reality transmigrants from the heavily populated Indonesian islands of Sumatra, Java and Sulawesi, have in many cases been living in Papua for 30 or more years. During that time, they have peacefully and happily integrated alongside indigenous Papuans, and well and truly become part of the community. What reason would they have for supporting a separatist independence, which would cut them off from the rest of Indonesia, its economy, its thousands of different cultures – not to speak of its language? They would certainly have no reason to do this if it involves any hint of violence against those who are their friends, neighbours and no doubt, some relatives. This is not to say that the transmigration program has not involved some problems. But it has been above all a developmental acceleration program,[25] which can only benefit the relatively underdeveloped West Papua while relieving population pressures on Sumata, Java and Sulawesi.

What is more, in 2015 the Indonesian government brought in a temporary halt[26] to the transmigration program to the Papuan provinces – but this has far from satisfied the separatist groups, both armed and unarmed. This halt was called for at the time by the then governor of Papua, Lukas Enembe. He said that the transmigration program causes a “social gap” between the transmigrants and indigenous Papuans.[27] This is somewhat understandable, as Austronesians who arrive from the relatively more developed islands generally have a higher educational level and technical skill level, and thus they are able to acquire better paying positions usually in Papuan cities such as Jayapura. Yet there is no evidence that anything like a state sponsored practice of discrimination against indigenous Papuans takes place. On the contrary, the Indonesian government has bent over backwards to include Papuans in the mosaic of diverse cultures that are found throughout Indonesia’s over 14 000 islands.[28]

Leftists above all, should be able to see that “West Papua” does not meet the Marxist criteria for a nation. At the least, common language, common territory, a common economy and a common culture are the Marxian prerequisites for a nation.[29] West Papua fulfills not one. The common language that is in fact used throughout West Papua is Bahasa Indonesia. The territory of Papua is in fact split between West Papua and Papua New Guinea. The economy of West Papua is that of Indonesia’s. With around 312 indigenous Papuan tribes in West Papua,[30] a common culture cannot be spoken of. If there is no West Papuan nation, there cannot be a notion of “national liberation”. Even before such a question is broached, socialists obviously cannot lend any support to a semblance of ethnic based conflict or violence. We agree that socialism needs to remain the aim for Indonesia, the Asia-Pacific, and Australasia. Yet the road to the supercession of capitalism lies in the common struggle of working people throughout the region and internationally. The political leadership for such a path can only be illumined by authentic workers’ vanguard parties anchored with the genuine basis of successful socialist struggle in the 20^th and 21^st centuries – the theory of permanent revolution.

WORKERS LEAGUE

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